By Yilma Bekele April 10, 2009
When the prison guard shouts: Dead man walking! You step aside। The guard is warning people that the inmate walking by is on death row and he has nothing to lose by killing you. You just step out of the way and let the dead man keep his date with destiny. more
Monday, April 13, 2009
Horn of Africa beset by troubles
By Elizabeth Kennedy, Associated Press Writer April 12, 2009
NAIROBI, Kenya - The pirate standoff with the U.S. Navy has burned Somalia into the West's consciousness as a base for lawlessness and terror, but the hostage crisis illuminates a potentially dangerous picture confronting a far greater area. more
NAIROBI, Kenya - The pirate standoff with the U.S. Navy has burned Somalia into the West's consciousness as a base for lawlessness and terror, but the hostage crisis illuminates a potentially dangerous picture confronting a far greater area. more
Reading the tea leaves
Reading the tea leaves
Alemayehu G. Mariam ǀ April 13, 2009
Pax Obama
President Obama made a historic speech to Turkish lawmakers last week, but his message was global in scope and contained nuggets of his foreign policy yet to unfold. The first chords of Pax Obama (Obama’s offer of peace to the word) restore not only much needed sanity to U.S. foreign policy, but also erect new pillars that will support America’s future engagement with the rest of the world: Respect for American democratic values, respect for Muslims and the Islamic faith, respect for human rights and the rule of law, mutually shared respect among friends, and even respectful agreement to disagree with foes. more
Alemayehu G. Mariam ǀ April 13, 2009
Pax Obama
President Obama made a historic speech to Turkish lawmakers last week, but his message was global in scope and contained nuggets of his foreign policy yet to unfold. The first chords of Pax Obama (Obama’s offer of peace to the word) restore not only much needed sanity to U.S. foreign policy, but also erect new pillars that will support America’s future engagement with the rest of the world: Respect for American democratic values, respect for Muslims and the Islamic faith, respect for human rights and the rule of law, mutually shared respect among friends, and even respectful agreement to disagree with foes. more
With a Friend Like This
Ethiopia was supposed to help America in the war on terror. But it's only made matters worse.
Jonathan Tepperman
NEWSWEEKFrom the magazine issue dated Apr 20, 2009
Few people outside Ethiopia have ever heard of Birtukan Mideksa. And that's just how the government wants it. Since December, Birtukan has been kept in solitary confinement, one of hundreds of political prisoners there. Her apparent crime? Organizing a democratic challenge to the increasingly iron-fisted rule of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
In the past year alone, Meles's ruling party has rigged elections, effectively banned independent human-rights groups, passed a draconian press law and shrugged off calls for an investigation into alleged atrocities in the restive Ogaden region. Yet in the same period, his country has become one of the largest recipients of U.S. aid in sub-Saharan Africa, getting a cool $1 billion in 2008. The Bush administration claimed that Ethiopia was the linch-pin of its regional counterterrorism strategy and a vital beacon of stability. But the evidence increasingly suggests Washington isn't getting what it pays for, and is supporting a brutal dictator in the process. Candidate Obama pledged to strengthen democracy in Africa; if he's serious, this is a good place to start.
America's warm relations with Ethiopia date to the days after 9/11, when the country's Christian-dominated government came to be seen as a natural U.S. ally in a region targeted by Islamic extremists. After disputed elections in 2005, however, Meles—once hailed by President Bill Clinton as part of a promising "new generation" of African leaders—began clamping down on dissent.
Yet Washington tolerated his lapses because it needed his help fighting Qaeda-linked Islamists in next-door Somalia. In December 2006, Ethiopia's U.S.-trained Army duly invaded its neighbor, ousting the radical Islamic Courts Union government there. But the adventure hasn't worked out as planned. No sooner had the ICU been toppled than an even more radical group, Al-Shabab, sprang up to fight the invaders. And although Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia's foreign minister, recently told NEWSWEEK that the Islamists have been militarily "shattered," they now control much of the country's south and have tightened links with Al Qaeda. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian troops have pulled out, and the country they left behind has been thoroughly devastated. Two years of fighting forced about 3.4 million Somalis, some 40 percent of the population, from their homes. Yet only a few high-ranking terrorists were eliminated, and Russell Howard, a retired general and senior fellow at the Pentagon's Joint Special Operations University, says the occupation only "empowered" the radicals.
Such failures—and Ethiopia's growing repression—suggest Washington should rethink the relationship. Just what Ethiopia offers the United States today is unclear. Addis Ababa has contributed troops to U.N. peacekeeping forces in Darfur and Burundi and plays a large role in shaping the policies of the African Union. But this shouldn't earn it unquestioning U.S. support.To reset ties, the United States should push Ethiopia to democratize. And it must urge it to reconcile with its archnemesis, Eritrea. Resolving the conflict between the two states is key to addressing a whole range of threats to U.S. interests. Tiny Eritrea won independence from Addis Ababa in 1993, but the two countries fought a 1998–2000 border war and relations have remained hostile ever since, in part because Ethiopia, with tacit U.S. support, has ignored an international ruling that redrew their border. Too weak to challenge Ethiopia directly, Eritrea has funneled support to its enemy's enemies—including Al-Shabab and its America-hating foreign fighters. Eritrea also recently instigated a border conflict with Djibouti, home to an important U.S. military base.
Washington should thus push Ethiopia and Eritrea to make amends; better relations would mean an end to their proxy war in Somalia, which has helped turn that state into a Qaeda haven. Should it choose to use it, the United States has plenty of leverage. Most U.S. spending on Ethiopia goes for health and food aid, which aren't easy to cut. But the Obama administration could make military aid and weapons sales contingent on Meles's improving his behavior. The House of Representatives passed a bill in 2007 to do just that, but the measure died in the Senate without White House support.
Much will now depend on the man Obama has nominated for the State Department's top Africa job, Johnnie Carson. Carson's record is promising: while ambassador to Kenya from 1999 to 2003, he helped persuade longtime President Daniel Arap Moi to step down, clearing the way for multiparty elections. Should he bring similar pressure to bear on Washington's new African ally, Birtukan, Ethiopia's other political prisoners, Africans throughout the Horn and America itself would all benefit.With Jason Mclure in Addis AbabaSource: URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/193503© 2009
Jonathan Tepperman
NEWSWEEKFrom the magazine issue dated Apr 20, 2009
Few people outside Ethiopia have ever heard of Birtukan Mideksa. And that's just how the government wants it. Since December, Birtukan has been kept in solitary confinement, one of hundreds of political prisoners there. Her apparent crime? Organizing a democratic challenge to the increasingly iron-fisted rule of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
In the past year alone, Meles's ruling party has rigged elections, effectively banned independent human-rights groups, passed a draconian press law and shrugged off calls for an investigation into alleged atrocities in the restive Ogaden region. Yet in the same period, his country has become one of the largest recipients of U.S. aid in sub-Saharan Africa, getting a cool $1 billion in 2008. The Bush administration claimed that Ethiopia was the linch-pin of its regional counterterrorism strategy and a vital beacon of stability. But the evidence increasingly suggests Washington isn't getting what it pays for, and is supporting a brutal dictator in the process. Candidate Obama pledged to strengthen democracy in Africa; if he's serious, this is a good place to start.
America's warm relations with Ethiopia date to the days after 9/11, when the country's Christian-dominated government came to be seen as a natural U.S. ally in a region targeted by Islamic extremists. After disputed elections in 2005, however, Meles—once hailed by President Bill Clinton as part of a promising "new generation" of African leaders—began clamping down on dissent.
Yet Washington tolerated his lapses because it needed his help fighting Qaeda-linked Islamists in next-door Somalia. In December 2006, Ethiopia's U.S.-trained Army duly invaded its neighbor, ousting the radical Islamic Courts Union government there. But the adventure hasn't worked out as planned. No sooner had the ICU been toppled than an even more radical group, Al-Shabab, sprang up to fight the invaders. And although Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia's foreign minister, recently told NEWSWEEK that the Islamists have been militarily "shattered," they now control much of the country's south and have tightened links with Al Qaeda. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian troops have pulled out, and the country they left behind has been thoroughly devastated. Two years of fighting forced about 3.4 million Somalis, some 40 percent of the population, from their homes. Yet only a few high-ranking terrorists were eliminated, and Russell Howard, a retired general and senior fellow at the Pentagon's Joint Special Operations University, says the occupation only "empowered" the radicals.
Such failures—and Ethiopia's growing repression—suggest Washington should rethink the relationship. Just what Ethiopia offers the United States today is unclear. Addis Ababa has contributed troops to U.N. peacekeeping forces in Darfur and Burundi and plays a large role in shaping the policies of the African Union. But this shouldn't earn it unquestioning U.S. support.To reset ties, the United States should push Ethiopia to democratize. And it must urge it to reconcile with its archnemesis, Eritrea. Resolving the conflict between the two states is key to addressing a whole range of threats to U.S. interests. Tiny Eritrea won independence from Addis Ababa in 1993, but the two countries fought a 1998–2000 border war and relations have remained hostile ever since, in part because Ethiopia, with tacit U.S. support, has ignored an international ruling that redrew their border. Too weak to challenge Ethiopia directly, Eritrea has funneled support to its enemy's enemies—including Al-Shabab and its America-hating foreign fighters. Eritrea also recently instigated a border conflict with Djibouti, home to an important U.S. military base.
Washington should thus push Ethiopia and Eritrea to make amends; better relations would mean an end to their proxy war in Somalia, which has helped turn that state into a Qaeda haven. Should it choose to use it, the United States has plenty of leverage. Most U.S. spending on Ethiopia goes for health and food aid, which aren't easy to cut. But the Obama administration could make military aid and weapons sales contingent on Meles's improving his behavior. The House of Representatives passed a bill in 2007 to do just that, but the measure died in the Senate without White House support.
Much will now depend on the man Obama has nominated for the State Department's top Africa job, Johnnie Carson. Carson's record is promising: while ambassador to Kenya from 1999 to 2003, he helped persuade longtime President Daniel Arap Moi to step down, clearing the way for multiparty elections. Should he bring similar pressure to bear on Washington's new African ally, Birtukan, Ethiopia's other political prisoners, Africans throughout the Horn and America itself would all benefit.With Jason Mclure in Addis AbabaSource: URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/193503© 2009
Monday, April 6, 2009
Open Letter to the Editor of Aiga Forum, Isayas A. Abay
Ato Isayas Atsbaha Abay
Aiga Forum, Owner and Editor
San Jose, California
United States of America
Dear Isayas Abay,
Save our affiliation to parties/ fronts, we all have roughly “virtuous dreams” for our country. A vast majority of Ethiopians necessitate our politicians to succeed in bringing the much needed development to our country and in that tackling the evils of poverty, disease, illiteracy, dictatorship, repression and war even though the blazing statements thrown out from different aisles of parties/ fronts are unhelpful.
Alas, it is true and irrefutable fact that few in the opposition circle reject Meles because of his background (ethnicity, region etc.) as there are few from Tigray who buttress him because he is from Tigray and is Tigrean (though his mother was from Eritrea). The concept that the leader is “our race, ours…(in this case from Tigray…Wedi Tigary)” is by far and in all counts the feudalistic, regional and tribal complex, a complex of an exaggerated estimate of ones own value and importance, which surprisingly some in the opposition have also sought to claim and/ or reclaim. This is an outdated mentality and a backward thinking by which the civilized world buried and moved on for better. The perfect example and proof is that the mainstream in the United States have voted overwhelmingly to their first black president, Barack Obama.
Be that as it may, what I see in you is that more like supporting Meles regardless of whatever he does (because he is from Tigray and is Tigrean) which does not meet your level of maturity. I am mindful and aware of the fact that you are an Engineer with several years of experience working for Cisco (and may be other companies as well), well read, mature, and without doubt can deliver real issues way beyond belittling issues in relation to poverty, healthcare, investment, education, good governance, democracy, human right as well as parties/ fronts with legitimate/ illegitimate agendas. Furthermore, regardless of who we allegedly are ethnically and where we come from, I am not doubting your knowledge on Ethiopian history that most Ethiopians can trace our ancestors to common Tigrean, Amhara, Oromo, Gurage, Afar, Somali, Agnuak great, great, great…grand, grand, grand…mothers and fathers, to those who made us big historically, but in no ways our support sways towards repression over freedom. However, I have a feeling that you kept moving towards the center of ethnic favoritism, hate mongering, false accusation, character assassination and the like.
1. The most egregious and recent one is your inane and odious statements directed at Obang Metho. You claimed that Obang is being “used by the opposition to falsely present the impression that minorities had a meaningful role within their power structures when in fact, such roles were only reserved for insiders.” This statement of yours is mortifying, immoral and out of character which should not be replicated, and it is your moral duty to recant your statement.
2. You were also unfolding the good old days of Meles, the time he locked up Seye and his family in prison recently when you accused Seye for joining Medrek. You may say that Meles was victories back then and continues to be one (You continued to call him “the Lion”), but as the saying goes, “one person’s good old days is another person’s bad memory.” Hence, Seye and his supporters may forgive Meles but will not forget the fact that Meles put Seye in prison without the due process of law for the sake of protecting Eritrea’s interest over Tigray and of course Ethiopia. Hence, whatever you do, it is once again your moral duty to leave Seye and his family alone. He has suffered enough and yet joined the vision what has been considered “best for Ethiopia” by the majority of Ethiopians.
3. Character assassinations, false accusations, and hate mongering against Andargachew Tsige, Dr. Berhanu Nega, Judge Birtukan Mideksa, Hailu Shawel, Hailu Araya, Professor Mesfin Woldemaraim, Seye Abrha, Alemayehu Gebremraim, Obang Metho, Gebru Asrat and others are becoming your daily tasks, and it is getting worse by the day. Your act is immoral and unacceptable in all accounts, and you, Isayas Atsibha Abay, are responsible for using fighting words which would endanger the fabric of our society and country.
I, as an individual, hereby request you to come back to your reasonable conscience and stop your evil deeds. Nonetheless, please note that I am not in anyways trying to limit your freedom of speech as I don’t have the authorities of Meles Zenawi’s alike; however, I would like to inform you that your statements are "fighting words”-those which by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. “It has been well observed that such utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.” Individuals who propagate hate, false accusation, and character assassination like you need to bring their actions to a halt for the sake of our people.
The chapters we have recorded so far after the 1974 revolution are communist memoirs, manifestos etc where by oppressors and oppressed have been categorized, if not made up. Because Ethiopia did not have a proletariat class, Derg, Meison, EPRP, TPLF etc categorized ethnic Amharas as Oppressors and others as Oppressed, which is totally ridicules. It is totally absurd to cast Amharas as oppressors as they like most other ethnic groups still:
Aiga Forum, Owner and Editor
San Jose, California
United States of America
Dear Isayas Abay,
Save our affiliation to parties/ fronts, we all have roughly “virtuous dreams” for our country. A vast majority of Ethiopians necessitate our politicians to succeed in bringing the much needed development to our country and in that tackling the evils of poverty, disease, illiteracy, dictatorship, repression and war even though the blazing statements thrown out from different aisles of parties/ fronts are unhelpful.
Alas, it is true and irrefutable fact that few in the opposition circle reject Meles because of his background (ethnicity, region etc.) as there are few from Tigray who buttress him because he is from Tigray and is Tigrean (though his mother was from Eritrea). The concept that the leader is “our race, ours…(in this case from Tigray…Wedi Tigary)” is by far and in all counts the feudalistic, regional and tribal complex, a complex of an exaggerated estimate of ones own value and importance, which surprisingly some in the opposition have also sought to claim and/ or reclaim. This is an outdated mentality and a backward thinking by which the civilized world buried and moved on for better. The perfect example and proof is that the mainstream in the United States have voted overwhelmingly to their first black president, Barack Obama.
Be that as it may, what I see in you is that more like supporting Meles regardless of whatever he does (because he is from Tigray and is Tigrean) which does not meet your level of maturity. I am mindful and aware of the fact that you are an Engineer with several years of experience working for Cisco (and may be other companies as well), well read, mature, and without doubt can deliver real issues way beyond belittling issues in relation to poverty, healthcare, investment, education, good governance, democracy, human right as well as parties/ fronts with legitimate/ illegitimate agendas. Furthermore, regardless of who we allegedly are ethnically and where we come from, I am not doubting your knowledge on Ethiopian history that most Ethiopians can trace our ancestors to common Tigrean, Amhara, Oromo, Gurage, Afar, Somali, Agnuak great, great, great…grand, grand, grand…mothers and fathers, to those who made us big historically, but in no ways our support sways towards repression over freedom. However, I have a feeling that you kept moving towards the center of ethnic favoritism, hate mongering, false accusation, character assassination and the like.
1. The most egregious and recent one is your inane and odious statements directed at Obang Metho. You claimed that Obang is being “used by the opposition to falsely present the impression that minorities had a meaningful role within their power structures when in fact, such roles were only reserved for insiders.” This statement of yours is mortifying, immoral and out of character which should not be replicated, and it is your moral duty to recant your statement.
2. You were also unfolding the good old days of Meles, the time he locked up Seye and his family in prison recently when you accused Seye for joining Medrek. You may say that Meles was victories back then and continues to be one (You continued to call him “the Lion”), but as the saying goes, “one person’s good old days is another person’s bad memory.” Hence, Seye and his supporters may forgive Meles but will not forget the fact that Meles put Seye in prison without the due process of law for the sake of protecting Eritrea’s interest over Tigray and of course Ethiopia. Hence, whatever you do, it is once again your moral duty to leave Seye and his family alone. He has suffered enough and yet joined the vision what has been considered “best for Ethiopia” by the majority of Ethiopians.
3. Character assassinations, false accusations, and hate mongering against Andargachew Tsige, Dr. Berhanu Nega, Judge Birtukan Mideksa, Hailu Shawel, Hailu Araya, Professor Mesfin Woldemaraim, Seye Abrha, Alemayehu Gebremraim, Obang Metho, Gebru Asrat and others are becoming your daily tasks, and it is getting worse by the day. Your act is immoral and unacceptable in all accounts, and you, Isayas Atsibha Abay, are responsible for using fighting words which would endanger the fabric of our society and country.
I, as an individual, hereby request you to come back to your reasonable conscience and stop your evil deeds. Nonetheless, please note that I am not in anyways trying to limit your freedom of speech as I don’t have the authorities of Meles Zenawi’s alike; however, I would like to inform you that your statements are "fighting words”-those which by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace. “It has been well observed that such utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.” Individuals who propagate hate, false accusation, and character assassination like you need to bring their actions to a halt for the sake of our people.
The chapters we have recorded so far after the 1974 revolution are communist memoirs, manifestos etc where by oppressors and oppressed have been categorized, if not made up. Because Ethiopia did not have a proletariat class, Derg, Meison, EPRP, TPLF etc categorized ethnic Amharas as Oppressors and others as Oppressed, which is totally ridicules. It is totally absurd to cast Amharas as oppressors as they like most other ethnic groups still:
- wears Lemid (sheep or goat skin) with per capita income of less than a quarter a day,
- struggle to cop-up with drought and starvation, and
- farm as their ancestors did 3,000 years ago— with oxen, wooden plows and rainfall।
Under no circumstance, they fit the likes of oppressors। It is also wrong to portray Ethiopian former rulers in their entirety as Amharas when the unabashed history of Ethiopia had recorded all Ethiopians sharing the responsibility of governing and defending Ethiopia. The idea that Amharas were oppressors and Ethiopian former rulers in our long history were Amharas is simply baloney and an evil-child of Mengistu, Meles, Isayas, Iyassu, Lencho etc and blown out of proportion by people like you. However, this is not to say that there was no oppression; in fact there was oppression all over Ethiopia but it was not targeting selected few.
The next chapter we write needs to be a chapter which will serve the next generation to coexist peacefully without any regard to ethnicity and religion. In order to become Pro-Meles, I don’t think you need to engage in false accusation, hate mongering, demonizing individuals, character assassination and the like. You may support your dictator as you wish, but I personally beg you to repent for the sins you have committed on issues I mentioned herein above. If you can, join the struggle to democratize Ethiopia, the struggle for unity and sovereignty of Ethiopia, human rights, democracy, rule of law etc. If not, at least avoid hate and false accusation which will affect the next generation and the generation to follow. Please govern yourself in a Godly way.
The Week of Pains (the Himamat) is right at the corner, so please repent and think of all Ethiopians who are under siege, dire poverty, in their sick bed, in prison and/or lost their property or life without the due process of law.
Hope we will see the Dawn of Ethiopia soon.
Sincerely,
Dagmawi Dawit
Email: ethio_dagmawi@yahoo.com
Thursday, April 2, 2009
Abusing self-determination and democracy: How the TPLF is looting Ethiopia
By Matthew McCracken
The article appeared in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law [Vol. 38: 183] back in 2004. The academic article is a good analysis on how the TPLF is looting Ethiopia under the disguise of "self-determination," that never has happened. We believe so many Ethiopians may not have had a chance to read this scholarly analysis. The file was scanned from the original. more
The article appeared in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law [Vol. 38: 183] back in 2004. The academic article is a good analysis on how the TPLF is looting Ethiopia under the disguise of "self-determination," that never has happened. We believe so many Ethiopians may not have had a chance to read this scholarly analysis. The file was scanned from the original. more
Thursday, March 26, 2009
What the cancelled Economist business roundtable conference reveals about Meles Zenawi, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia March 22, 2009
Source: http://www.geocities.com/~dagmawi/Zebenya/09/Economist_conf_cancelled_Meles_Zenawi.html
Conference Dates: Monday-Tuesday, March 23-24, 2009
It was to be held at the Sheraton Hotel in Addis Ababa. Realising potential in one of Sub-Saharan Africa's biggest markets was the theme. It was the first time the Economist Magazine had organized a business roundtable conference for Ethiopia, although such conferences have been common in other countries for many years now.
Here is how the economist describes its conferences:
Click on the link to read the preliminary conference program: First Business Roundtable with the Government of Ethiopia
It can safely be assumed that the Economist invested considerable sums in arranging and publicizing the conference. On their part conference participants paid fees, and arranged travel and lodging to Addis Ababa.
Independent, Objective, Informed
Several key words in the Economist Magazine's description of its conferences should be highlighted further:
INDEPENDENT
OBJECTIVE
INFORMED
These words are TOXIC to Meles Zenawi and the TPLF. Is there any part of the Ethiopian administration that is INDEPENDENT of Meles Zenawi's control? Let alone administration, Meles has expanded the government's control into vast areas of human life that other citizens of the world enjoy freely.
Is there any type of OBJECTIVE analysis found in the state media? Is it possible to make any type of OBJECTIVE comment or criticism of the Ethiopia government? Ask the former auditor general Lemma Argaw, fired by Meles in 2006 for presenting an OBJECTIVE report to parliament. Ask the acting auditor general Assefa Desta, who was publicly insulted by Meles, again, for trying to be OBJECTIVE.
The Ethiopian public is today one of the least INFORMED group of humans on the planet concerning public issues of importance to them. This is by design. The media is tightly controlled. Websites are blocked. External radio transmissions are jammed. State media consists of junk propaganda outlets that are detested even by supporters of Meles.
Given the above, the prospects for an independent, objective, and informed public conference with senior Ethiopian government leaders would have been expected to be dim.
Ethiopian Government Says it Won't Participate: Friday, March 20, 2009
On Saturday, March 21, the Reporter Newspaper in Addis Ababa reported the following:
Conference Dates: Monday-Tuesday, March 23-24, 2009
It was to be held at the Sheraton Hotel in Addis Ababa. Realising potential in one of Sub-Saharan Africa's biggest markets was the theme. It was the first time the Economist Magazine had organized a business roundtable conference for Ethiopia, although such conferences have been common in other countries for many years now.
Here is how the economist describes its conferences:
"Economist Conferences, a division of the Economist Intelligence Unit, is the leading provider of international forums for senior executives seeking new insights into strategic issues. These meetings include industry conferences, management events and government roundtables held around the world. As part of The Economist Group, the publisher of The Economist newspaper, we are a highly respected brand with a 162-year history and an unrivalled reputation for excellence and independence."The Addis Ababa conference was to have been attended by Meles Zenawi and other top government officials, executives of many important businesses in Ethiopia, such as the CEO of Ethiopian Airlines, executives of international firms investing in Ethiopia, such as the general manager of Golden Rose Agro Farm, the Vice President of Sainak Potash, (an Indian mining firm active in the Dallol area), and many others.
"Each meeting organised by Economist Conferences delivers objective and informed analysis. Our meetings provide unusually high-level forums where senior executives can gain insights, exchange views and compare strategies."
- Economist Conferences - Executive Meetings
Click on the link to read the preliminary conference program: First Business Roundtable with the Government of Ethiopia
It can safely be assumed that the Economist invested considerable sums in arranging and publicizing the conference. On their part conference participants paid fees, and arranged travel and lodging to Addis Ababa.
Independent, Objective, Informed
Several key words in the Economist Magazine's description of its conferences should be highlighted further:
INDEPENDENT
OBJECTIVE
INFORMED
These words are TOXIC to Meles Zenawi and the TPLF. Is there any part of the Ethiopian administration that is INDEPENDENT of Meles Zenawi's control? Let alone administration, Meles has expanded the government's control into vast areas of human life that other citizens of the world enjoy freely.
Is there any type of OBJECTIVE analysis found in the state media? Is it possible to make any type of OBJECTIVE comment or criticism of the Ethiopia government? Ask the former auditor general Lemma Argaw, fired by Meles in 2006 for presenting an OBJECTIVE report to parliament. Ask the acting auditor general Assefa Desta, who was publicly insulted by Meles, again, for trying to be OBJECTIVE.
The Ethiopian public is today one of the least INFORMED group of humans on the planet concerning public issues of importance to them. This is by design. The media is tightly controlled. Websites are blocked. External radio transmissions are jammed. State media consists of junk propaganda outlets that are detested even by supporters of Meles.
Given the above, the prospects for an independent, objective, and informed public conference with senior Ethiopian government leaders would have been expected to be dim.
Ethiopian Government Says it Won't Participate: Friday, March 20, 2009
On Saturday, March 21, the Reporter Newspaper in Addis Ababa reported the following:
The Economist canceled Friday what would have been its first business conference with the government of Ethiopia scheduled to run under the theme 'Realizing potential in one of sub-Saharan Africa’s biggest market' on March 23 and 24, it was learnt.
The cancellation of the conference came suddenly amidst high expectations and hopes that the event will serve as a ‘best and ideal’ platform to sell Ethiopia to foreign investors and high profile business executives, according to knowledgeable sources.
The Economist Conference canceled the event after it failed to reach an agreement concerning an article which was supposed to be included in the conference material, according to the event organizers.
"The government of Ethiopia has decided that it will no longer participate in the business roundtable," the Economist Conference emailed to The Reporter. "The decision was made today [Friday] by the Ethiopian government after they had reviewed the Economist article we planned to include in the conference material. We have therefore decided to cancel the round table."
- The Economist cancels conference with gov’t - The Reporter, 21 March 2009
Two things are surprising about the cancellation of the conference. First, as mentioned above, the Economist is very experienced with organizing these types of conferences in countries all over the world. Thus it is surprising that they would find themselves forced to cancel a conference at such a late date - only two days before it was to occur.
Second, the reason given is surprising (at least at first glance). How could an article be the cause of conflict? The Economist is an independent magazine that does not accept censorship. They have described themselves as independent and objective. They have a 162-year reputation to protect.
However, upon reflection, for Ethiopians this should not be a surprise. This is standard Meles operating behavior. There must have been agreement between Meles and the Economist on the ground rules for the conference. It is safe to assume that the Economist made it clear to Meles that they would only hold the conference if the Ethiopian government promised not to censor the conference materials. It is safe to assume that Meles agreed, probably boasting that Ethiopia had the freest press in all Africa, and that he had never censored any article, and that the problems of the press in Ethiopia were entirely due to violations of the law.
Perhaps the Economist thought that Meles was an honorable person, with generally accepted personal ethics and principles. But that is not the Meles Ethiopians know. A good example of Meles' character was the 2005 election and its aftermath. Meles employed a tactic of brinksmanship. WIth the country in a dangerous state, he would negotiate with the opposition, seemingly reach agreement, and then at the last minute add new demands. Over and over he repeated this, even through the pardon process.
And it worked for him. This style has worked for Meles for his whole life beginning with the early TPLF days.
But on March 20, 2009, it didn't work with the Economist Magazine. Meles probably expected the magazine to panic. Many foreign conference participants had probably already travelled to Ethiopia. The Economist would probably be liable for these airfares and lodging expenses. The Sheraton conference fee would not be refundable at this stage. Many other staff time and advertising expenses would be wasted. Moreover it is bad publicity for the Economist. So Meles felt confident about issuing an ultimatum to the Economist about the content of the article.
But the Economist is not at the mercy of Meles. He can't imprison the reporters and editors of that magazine. He can't send security agents to the homes of the Economist publishers to beat, threaten and kill them. Unlike Ethiopians living under Meles, the Economist can write off the loss and move on.
Meles will tell his followers that he defended Ethiopia's sovereignty by canceling the conference. He will try to make this into a racial or ethnic issue, the same way he tried to mobilize support in 2005 by ethnicizing the entire election.
Conclusion
Meles is a petty, childish, spiteful little man. Many Ethiopians have borne the brunt of his nastiness. Birtukan Mideksa continues to suffer because of his personal spite. His highly negative character has had a profoundly negative influence on the tone and substance of Ethiopian political discourse.
The only good outcome of this incident is that the substandard personal character of Meles - his willingness to sacrifice Ethiopia's interests out of spite, his complete untrustworthiness, and his unethical negotiating style - will now be widely publicized internationally.
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